For over a year, armed gangs in Haiti have been running amok. The chaos and violence has now reached a new peak. The country is in danger of an unprecedented coup led not by soldiers or rival leaders—but armed gangs.
First, some background
In case, you don’t remember your childhood geography classes, Haiti is located right next to the Dominican Republic, and off the coast of Cuba:
A land of extreme poverty: The average income is $5 a day, and many people live on much less. Haiti’s government is no less poor, and is often unable to provide basic services like trash collection or hold timely elections. At least 20% of its budget comes from foreign loans—which gives the International Monetary Fund great control over its economy.
The extended history: of Haiti goes something like this:
- A former French colony, Haiti gained independence in 1804—but was never recognised by the US until 1862 in case it gave American Black slaves the wrong idea.
- In 1915, the US sent troops to build back the country after its President was assassinated—and stuck around for another 20 years, controlling the country’s economy and government.
- Fast forward to 1994: Bill Clinton sends in troops again, this time to restore Jean-Bertrand Aristide to power after he was deposed via a military coup.
- In January 2010, an earthquake killed over 200,000 people, and the United Nations deployed peacekeepers to help rebuild Haiti.
- The UN troops instead imported a cholera epidemic that killed 10,000 and infected almost 800,000 Haitians.
- The UN withdrew in 2017—which is when banana exporter-turned-politician Jovenel Moïse took office as the president of Haiti.
The assassination: The roots of the present catastrophe lies in the brazen assassination of Moïse in July, 2021. He was murdered in his home by a unit of Colombian assassins for hire (See: This Big Story). To date, no one knows who hired them. Moïse was trying to extend his five-year term—which ended February, 2021—when he was killed.
The earthquake: Soon after his murder, Haiti received another shock—a quake of 7.2-magnitude that resulted in 2,207deaths.
Zero democracy: When Moïse was killed, he was replaced by a ‘caretaker’ government led by Ariel Henry. He remains in office to this day—unelected and highly unpopular. Due to his policies—which doubled fuel prices—Haiti is in the midst of its worst-ever famine—with 4.7 million people facing acute hunger. In January 2023, the term of the last ten senators expired. As a result, there are no elected members of the house or senate either. In other words, there is no one with credibility or popular support to take charge.
Ok, so what’s happening now?
The power vacuum created by Moïse’s death has allowed Haiti’s gangs to grow in power. For the past year, they have grown bolder with each passing month—overwhelming the police and military. Both Henry and the UN have been urging foreign intervention—and the Security Council voted to send a multinational security force in October—but there have been no takers. Meanwhile, Haiti has spun entirely out of control.
The Guardian offers a succinct summary of how bad things have been for the past year:
Almost 4,000 people were killed and 3,000 kidnapped in gang-related violence in 2023, says the UN; sexual violence is rife, with 1,100 attacks on women by October. More than 300,000 people have been displaced—at least 15,000 of them in the last week—and half of Haitians do not have enough to eat. Basic services such as electricity, clean water and waste collection are unreliable. The final figures for 2023 are expected to show that the economy has contracted for five consecutive years.
Madness and mayhem: began on February 29 when Haitian gangs carried out a series of coordinated attacks in the capital—Port-au-Prince. On March 2, they stormed two prisons—releasing more than 4,000 inmates. This is when things get really ugly. They first blocked the roads to the capital—then shut down the airport—and have now breached the city’s main port. The gangs control 80% of Port-au-Prince.
The fallout: People have entirely lost access to any food and supplies. Most are too afraid to step outside their homes: “The streets of Port-au-Prince reek with the stench of the dead”—because there is no one to retrieve the bodies. A political expert says the unretrieved bodies reflect “extremely high levels of violence, extreme pressure on the population and a feeling of hopelessness and abandonment.” Meanwhile, the gangs kill and rape with impunity.
As for Henry: He is hanging out in Puerto Rico—still refusing to cede power—still urging foreign intervention.
What’s with these gangs? What do they want?
To rule Haiti! For decades, Haiti’s leaders have used gangs to stay in power. Now, they want that power for themselves.
Where it began: In 1959, Haiti’s infamous leader-turned-dictator—François “Papa Doc” Duvalier—created a paramilitary force called Volontaires de la Sécurité Nationale. They were soon known as ‘Tonton Makout’. Their reign of terror helped Duvalier and his son Jean-Claude stay in power until 1986:
Over their 28-year run, the Makout killed an estimated 60,000 people, according to the Council on Hemispheric Affairs. They assaulted or tortured even more, causing countless Haitians to flee their homes for refuge abroad. The Makout, usually grown men who were prominent or respected in some capacity around the country, were seen as the country’s “bandi legal,” Creole for legalised thugs.
Every Haitian leader ever since has deployed gangs to stay in power—using them as enforcers and collect money and votes.
The ultimate gangland: There are about 200 gangs in Haiti—half of whom are in Port-au-Prince. They are roughly divided into two main alliances—G9 an Fanmi e Alye and GPèp la. The first is led by a former police officer Jimmy “Barbecue” Chérizier, and the other by Gabriel Jean Pierre, known as Ti Gabriel. For the longest time, Haiti was ripped apart by bloody turf wars between the two. But now they have united around a common cause.
Slipping the leash: Once content to play enforcers, the gangs want more—a lot more:
Over time, the gangs’ ambitions have soared, while their organisational structures and battlefield strength increased dramatically. They are no longer satisfied with small bribes such as motorcycles or computers. In fact, they are no longer content to simply do the bidding of the politicians and the PNH. They have slipped the leash, want to dictate their own terms, and their financial and political asks are far greater than ever.
When the UN Security Council voted in October to send a multinational security force, the two alliances revived a “non-aggression pact.” Their leaders are now asking Ariel Henry to step down—though their end goal is unclear, according to experts: “It’s a kind of criminal maximum pressure strategy aimed at provoking political effects that we aren’t yet fully able to assess.”
So we may have a gang leader as president?
Well, there isn’t anyone who wants that outcome—not the Opposition, the UN or any foreign government. But no one has the appetite to take the gangs on either. Washington has zero interest in repeating the 1994 invasion ordered by President Clinton. As one Haiti expert says: “I’m not sure any president wants to touch Haiti with a 10-foot pole.”
As for the international force: mandated by the Security Council back in October—has not materialised. The countries who signed up—such as Kenya, Chad, Bangladesh, Barbados and the Bahamas—are now having second thoughts. And many think they don’t have the experience to take on the gangs: “But the Kenyans, the Chadians, the Barbadians and the Bangladeshi police: that ain’t gonna work. That’s just a suicide mission, worst case, and a waste of money, best case.”
The other contender: is also a former police officer: Guy Philippe—who tried to seize power back in 2004. He has since served a six-year prison term in the US for drug trafficking. Phillipe recently returned to the country in November—and has mobilised a political movement for “change.” Washington may hate the idea of a drug lord in charge, but that’s what makes Phillipe a strong contender:
“Within a few weeks he got support not only from some gang leaders but from other political leaders who had been fighting Henry,” said [Haiti expert] Georges Fauriol… [He] thinks of Philippe as a “hybrid character” who easily moves between the worlds of politics and criminal gangs… Philippe himself says he could do more than simply be a mediator if an election is held… “I can run, I will run, and I will win,” he said.
Philippe is also gaining popular support—thanks to his promise to rein in the gangs—whatever it takes: “You have to send a clear message.”
The bottomline: With the world’s attention consumed by Gaza and Ukraine, who has time to think of Haiti? For all the diplomatic fuss, the country and its people will most likely be left to their fate.
Reading list
Washington Post, AFP via The Hindu and New York Times have more on what’s happening right now. On the history of gangs in Haiti, read Vox and Haitian Times—which offers the view of communities who live with them. Brookings has more on their future. The Guardian has more on the possibility of foreign intervention.
