Will the BJP score some insane-sized majority? Can it really use 400 seats to change the Constitution? In part one, we get past the bluster and the rhetoric to look at the facts—including whether an extra-large Lok Sabha majority makes a difference. Part two looks at how much the BJP needs to win—and where—to reach a gargantuan total.
Char sau paar: How it started…
In January, the BJP coined itself a catchy new slogan: ‘Teesri Baar Modi Sarkar, Ab Ki Baar Char Sau Paar’. What began as a boast soon sounded like a threat. The brag was that BJP would win bigger than ever—turning rivals to dust. Then its leaders offered the reasons why it needed such unchallenged power. That’s when things went awry.
What Modi said: Prime Minister Modi repeatedly told voters he needed the brute majority to truly transform the nation:
Repeating the BJP coined slogan, “abki baar 400 paar,” Modi told the huge gathering of people that he needs that kind of absolute majority not just to act against the corrupt but also to make India ‘viksit’ (developed), get rid of ‘garibi’ (poverty), offer new opportunities for youth, and for farmers’ prosperity.
Modi-ji shouldn’t have to waste time battling with blinkered, incompetent rivals, while engaged in such great tasks.
What Hegde said: But how would Modi-ji wield this awesome power to elevate the nation? In March, Karnataka MP Anantkumar Hegde let the cat out of the bag:
Modi-ji said that we need to secure more than 400 seats this time. Why 400? We currently have a 2/3 majority in the Lok Sabha, but we lack the same in the Rajya Sabha where our majority is lesser. Additionally, we lack the required majority in the state governments. If we are to make amendments to the Constitution, like the ones Congress made, twisting the fundamental principles of the Constitution and introducing provisions and laws that oppressed Hindus, then this majority won’t suffice.
He was not given a Lok Sabha ticket this time around. No good comes of candour in politics.
What the Opposition said: Ever since, the BJP’s Lilliputian rivals have been warning of the big, bad BJP’s plans to break the ‘samvidhan’ (Constitution). Sharad Pawar warned voters at a recent rally:
This Lok Sabha poll is different from earlier ones as it will decide by which method our country will work. The nation should run as a democracy but we are worried. They (BJP) want more than 400 seats to make changes in the Constitution
The most dreaded change, of course, would be scrapping the reservation policy—which, to be fair, is not on the BJP to-do list.
Farewell to 400: Unfortunately for the BJP, the message has gained traction—especially among Dalits, OBCs and tribal communities. The party has been forced to assure voters the Constitution is safe—and its leaders have stopped chanting the ‘char sau paar’ mantra. The BJP is back to the drum it likes to beat the best: Muslims.
The unasked Q: What happens at 400?
When a BJP worker was asked about that magic number, he sheepishly said, “It is just a rhyming statement made during polls like ‘Abki baar Modi sarkar’.” Turns out, the slogan may be meaningless in more than one sense. Four hundred seats in the Lok Sabha is hardly a free pass—contrary to what the BJP or its rivals may claim.
How to change the Constitution: Constitutional amendments aren’t all that rare. To date, there have been 106. Some have been greatly consequential—the first amendment enshrined the system of reservations for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Others—like the 51st amendment that banned political defections haven’t made much difference.
The process, however, has remained the same. There are three ways to change our Constitution. The most appropriate method depends on what is being changed.
One: The easiest method requires a simple majority in both houses of Parliament. This will suffice for matters such as redrawing boundaries of states. This is how the government downgraded Jammu & Kashmir from state to Union Territory—and made Ladakh a separate UT.
Two: The second requires a ‘special majority’ in both Houses. That’s a two-third majority of members who are present and voting in a House. This number, however, should be more than 50% of the total membership. So Lok Sabha has 543 seats. The halfway mark is 272. So that 2/3 rd number of those present and counting has to be higher than 272. The BJP will have to meet this bar for its One Nation One Election plan.
Point to note: Presumably, everyone will show up for a momentous Constitutional amendment vote. So the BJP would need 362 in the Lok Sabha and 164 in the Rajya Sabha.
Three: The third method is the most rigorous. It requires the two-third majority plus ratification by a simple majority in at least 50% of all state legislatures. Let’s file this under ‘ain’t ever happening’.
FYI: Some parts of the Constitution cannot be changed, period. For example: The Fundamental Rights. But you can suspend them to declare an Emergency—which requires a two-third majority. That was the Indira Gandhi way.
What does this add up to?
Four hundred is a meaningless number. A two-third majority in the Lok Sabha is 362 seats. And even that is of little use as long as the BJP only has 97 seats in the Rajya Sabha. If you throw in the allies, the total is 117—still four short of the 50% mark. A ‘special majority’ required to make any serious changes to the Constitution is a distant dream—without the Opposition playing ball.
But, but, but: There is still plenty that the BJP can do with a hefty Lok Sabha majority—and if it crosses the halfway mark in the upper house. For example, demoting Delhi to a UT without a legislature (or CM) requires a simple majority in both houses. Most importantly, in 2026, the government will undertake a massive delimitation exercise—which will increase Lok Sabha seats to 888 members and Rajya Sabha numbers to 384 (see: this Big Story).
Since they will be redistributed according to population, the North will walk away with a staggering share—unless Parliament intervenes (or not):
Parliament will decide what the total number of Lok Sabha seats and different Legislative Assembly seats will be. Distribution among the States will be decided by the Delimitation Commission, which will be appointed under a Delimitation Commission Act. Parliament gives them directions for devising a formula for reallocation of seats.
A mammoth number past 400—or even close to it—gives not just bragging rights but a legitimate claim to a sweeping mandate. It will also make the BJP a truly national party—since it can’t hit that number without expanding in the South. All those things will matter when deciding which states will have the numbers to call the shots.
The bottomline: In part two, we’ll look at the polls—and the BJP’s possible routes to a big score—char sau or not. Can they do it? How will they do it?
Reading list
The Hindu explains how the Constitution can be changed—and lists the key amendments since Independence. Hindustan Times lays out what cannot be changed in the Constitution. DK Singh in The Print has a very good analysis of why a brute majority matters to the BJP. The Wire offers a more ominous version of the same. Sanjaya Baru argues no one wants the BJP to win 400 seats—not even its own leaders (other than Modi/Shah).
